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AN 

ADDRESS 

to THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES. 

TO WHICH IS ADDED, 

A LETTER 

FROM THE 

HON. TIMOTHY PICKERING^ 

A SENATOR OF THE UNITED STATES 

tROM THE 

STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, 

EXHIBITING TO HIS CONSTITUENTS 

A VIEW OF THE IMMINENT DANGER 
OF AN 

vNNECESSJRT AND RtJINOUS WAR. 

ADDRESSED TO 

HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES SULLIVAN, 

GOFERNOR OF TSB SAW STJTS. 



NORTHAMPTON, mass. 

PRINTED BY WILLIAM BUTLEK» 
1808. 



e , 



TO THE people; 

FELLOIV-CITIZENS, 

AT a crlfis like the prefent, M^lien apprehenfion anJ dlfmiy 
darken the profpedls of our public affairs ; when ruin is hovering 
around us like a mift, and when the caufes of our calamity are 
carefully concealed from us; when the feal of myftery is impref^ 
fed upon our councils, and all confidence Is withdrawn from the 
people ; it is the facred duty of every ft lend to liberty, of what- 
ever political feft or party, to examine with candor, the ground 
on which we ftand ; to watch with vigilance, the meafures of 
government, and to raife his voice without fear, in the caufe of 
his country. 

Deeply imprefled with thefe momentons confiderations, we 
claim for a moment, the indulgence of our countrymen. Far 
be it from us to encourage a fpirit of groundlefs clamor, or of diC- 
refpeft to the laws. Embarked with you in one common caufe, 
attached, firmly attached, to our republican inftitutions, highly 
prizing the peace of our country, and that conftitution, under 
which we have In former years, enjoyed fo much liberty and hap- 
pinefs, our only objed is to fecure the continuance of that peace, 
if it can be honorably fecured, and to preferve inviolate to us and 
to our children, that conftitution which guarantees our independ- 
ence. From the recent condud of our national government, and 
fr<fm the ruinous meafures which have lately been adopted, we 
are compelled to believe, that nothing buj the powerful voice of 
an Injured and degraded people can preferve us from national de- 
ftruftion. Let then that voice be heard — Let us refpeftfuUy, but 
in a tone of manly boldnefs, and united energy, remonftrate with. 
our government, and demand of them why thefe things are fo— r 
Let us requeft of them a fair and candid difclofure of our real fit- 
uation with foreign nations, and a complete developement of the 
bidden caufes which have lead to the adoption of meafures, fo 
difaftrous to our country. Too long, already, have we repofed 
in the lap of executive confidence. Let us roufe from the deadly 
lethargy, while yet " Our lock: are not /Jjorrti nor our great firei^gth 
gone f rem uj." As yet we have the right of public debate ; the 
right of petition and remonftrance — Let us unitedly exerclfe thefe 
veiliges of popular privileges, or we ftiall foon fee law and juftice 
vake their flight, with our profperity and our peace ; and our lib^ 
eity and Independence will find their laft Intrenchment in thp 
grave of our conftitution. 

Thefe are not the vain and idle apprehenfions of vifionary the- 
orifts, nor the unfounded clamors of difappointed ambition. Ev- 
ery day brings " confirmation ftrong as proof from holy writ," 
that they are ferious and folemn truths. Elfe why, when every 
•portion of our country, from one extremity of the Union to the 



^4] 

^ther ts agitated with alarm ficdifmay, when rum Isftalking; thro' the. 
land, with a ftep rapid as tinne, and certain as death ; wliy, at 
("uch a crifis, are the caufes of all this wretchednefs, carefully con- 
cealed from the eyes of the fufFerers ? Have not the govern-- 
inent every inducement to alleviate this fuffering, by a frank 
avowal of the caufes which produced it ? If it could be done:^ 
^without diffjonor to thcvifclvcs, would they not anticipate the folici- 
tude of ah anxious people, and endeavor to reconcile them ta 
their fuffering, by proving its necclFity ? From tliis death-like 
and treacherous filence, are vye not juftified in the belief, that they 
dare not remove the curtain which conceals the dark myfteries of 
the executive cabinet I If the honor, the intercft, or the fafety of 
the nation required it, full well they kiiow, that the American peo- 
ple would cheerfully fubmit to every privation, and fuffer every 
hardfhip. — No, fellow-citizens, our adminlftration would never; 
fhroud themfelves in " clouds and darknefs" If their meafures 
U'ould bear the light. Truth and honor feck for no conceal-. 
ment ; and in a government dependent upon the people for its 
exiftence and fupport, to withold from them that information 
■«vhich they have a right to requiiC, betrays either an unpardona- 
ble want of confidence in their patriotifm and virtue, or a con- 
fcioufnefs that the meafures are fuch as patriotifm and virtue 
could not approve. Is not the Embargo fuch a meafure ? What 
vere the caufes which produced il ? And what are the objects 
which it is intended to accomplifh ? We venture to afTert that no 
man, not admitted within the veil of prefidential fecrecy, can 
give a fatisfadory anfwer to thefe enquiries. Surely a meafure 
fraught with fuch mighty evils to every clafs of the community, 
pught not to be adopted, without reafons which deeply affedt the 
honor of the nation, and in which every individual is highly iu- 
terefted. Yet not only the people, but the legiflature themfelves, 
are kept in total ignorance of the caufes of this overwhelming 
calamity. 

But the nature, the tendency & the incalculable evils of this dire- 
ful experiment are fo clearly demonllrated, in the annexed letter 
from Col. Pickering, our able and upright Senator in Congrefs, 
and the only courfe which can fave us from deftruiftion is fo ex- 
plicitly pointed out by him, that we cannot better difcharge ouj: 
duty than by annexing his communication to this addrefs. — His 
love of his country is too ardent and fmccre to fuffer him tp 
remain filent in this difaftrious crifis. His patriotifm is too pure, 
his integrity too infle-xible, to bend to the time ferving policy of 
any admlniftratlon — 

" He •would not flattrr Neptune for his triJentf 
Or Jove for his ponvcr to thur.der.*' 
II« fpcak- the words of " truth aijd fobcrnefs," of honor sqid 



I 5 3 

rriteg;rjty, and with Roman firmnefs, and at every hazard, he at- 
tempts to " rcfcuc from the deep, the drowned honor of his 
country." 

We cannot exprefs our amazement that the Governor of our 
Comnionwealth, thro' v-l.ooi this intcrc(ting d(icument vas a<l- 
dredcd to tlic Legiilatu. :. fiionld attempt to keep from their fight 
information fo importaiic ;uid defiiable. 

Fellow- citizens, the gulph of ruin yawns wide before us, and 
thofc wliom we have appointed to guard us from danger,& whofe 
duty it is, to defcry it froHi afar, fecm determined to hurry us 
blindfold, down the dreadl'ui precipice. But thank Heaven, the 
attempt to fupprefs this letter, did not fucceed. It has providen- 
tially found the light, an.i is now preftnied to an anxious and de- 
graded people. 

Read, we conjure you read with attention and as for your lives 
this interefting communication, and if you have a fpark of patit- 
Qtifm glowing in you-, hrealls, it will kindle in'to a flame, at the 
dangers which threaten our ill fatfd Republic. Hiflory fcarcely 
furnilhes an example of a nation thus fuddcnly thrown from tb.e 
height of profperity and glory, and thr^^atened with fuch deep 
and dreadful ruin. 

Let us for a moment call to mind the Ute unrivalled progrefs 
of our national and individual grov.th, that we may the more 
fenfibly feel the fad rcverfe, and the neceffity, the abfohite necef- 
fity of a vigorous effort to regain the ground we have Icfl. Un- 
til this fudden and unexpeded interruption of our profperity, 
peace fmiled in our borders and plenty enriched our ftores The 
iproduce of the hufbandman found a ready maiket ; and a liberal 
■price rewarded his laborious induilry. Our commerce was flour- 
ilhing to a degree unparalleled in the hiftory of nations. TJie 
v/ants of diPiant nations were fupplied by our aclive enterpri/.e, 
and we in return received from them the full fupply of all our 
•neceffities. Every breeze wafted us plenty, and the moil diftant 
and unfrequented oceans were whitened with pur fails. 

But the wand of the mighty Conjuror of Europe has beeri 
ftretched acrofs the Atlantic, and thefe goodly profpefts have 
Vaniflied at his touch. It cannot be denied, that the courfe 
which we are now purfuing, muft terminate in a war with G. 
Britain. A war without necefllty, without hope, and almoft with- 
out a plaufible pretext for its jutlification. An anxious people, a 
people who mufl bear the " heat and burden of the day," are vain- 
ly inquring " why are we thus lailiiy hurried on to war ?" Why 
is our late flouriihing commerce to be annihilated and deftroyed, 
and why are our numerous and defencelefs feaports to be expofcd 
to ruin and conflagration ? Is not the hand of Napoleon in this 
"thing ? It is much to be feared that "he who controls the dcf- 



C63 

inics of Europe fways likewife the councils of this tottering Rc- 
ublic." Upon no other fuppolkion will the meafures of our 
overnmcnt admit of explication. And arc 3'ou ready, fellow citi- 
cns, to fubmit to this degradation ? In an alliance with France, 
.•e Ihould feal our own deftru(ftion. Flattered for a moment with 
be name of allies, we (hould foon be made a miferable appendage 
1 the trai« ()f greatncfs, and be chained to the car of the conque- 
orto increafc the fplendor of his triumph. Look at the map of 
:i!ropc, and in the hiftory of thofe numerous nations which have 
alien a laciifice to the overwhelming ambition of France, read 
our own deftiny. But there is a way open for efcape. — If 
on regard the interefts, the i'afety, or the honor of our common 
ounrry ; if you value our independence, and prize the conftitu- 
ton which fee arcs it ; if you would avoid the chains which are 
Iready forging to rivet you in flavery, then awake at the call of 
•airiotifm. Make known the will of the nation. Let the people 
oule, and we may yet favc ourfelves from ruin, and our country 
rom the reproaches of polterity. THOUSANDS. 



Col. Pickering's LETTER. 

CITY OF WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 16, 180S. 
SIR, 

IN the even current of ordinary times, an 
iddrefs from a Senator in Congrefs to his conftituents might be 
iifpcnfed with. In fuch times, the proceedings of the Executive 
ind Lfgiflature of the United States, exhibited in iht'xr public afJsy 
T.ight be fuHicient. But the prefent fingular condition of our 
r.'jrtry, when its moft intereRing concerns,wrapt up in myftery, 
:xcilt iinivcrial alarm, requires me to be no longer filent. Perliaps 
[ ;im liable to cenfure, at fuch a crifis, for not fooner prefenting to 
pu and them, indi :i view of our national affairs as my official 
fituauon has placed in my power. I now addrefs it to you, Sir, 
as the proper organ of communication to the legiflature. 

The attainment of truth is ever defirable ; and I cannot per- 
mit myfelf to doubt that the ftatement 1 now make muft be accept- 
able to all who have an agency in direding the affairs, and who are 
gii.irdians of the interefts of our Conimouiuealth, which fo materially 
il'jpend on the mciilures of the Govcnnncnt of the ;;a//#/z. At the 
J.inic time I am awnre of the jcaloufy with which, in ihefe unhappy 
days of party diifcnilons, my cnmmunications may, by fome of my 
conllitucnts, be received. Of this I will not complain : while £ 
carncllly wiili the lame jealoufy to be extended towards all pub- 



[7] 

lie men. Yet I tnay claim fome (hare of attention and credit- 
that (hare which is due to the man who defies the world to point, 
in the whole courfe of a long and public life, at one inftance of 
deception, at a fmgle departure from truth. 

The EMBARGO demands the firft notice. For perhaps no aft of 
the National Government has ever produced fo much folicitude, or 
fpread fuch univerfal alarm. Becaufe all naturally conclude, that a 
jneafure pregnant with incalculable mifchief to all claffes of our fel- 
low-citizens, would not have been prcpofed by the prefidcnt, and 
adopted by Congrefs, but for caufes deeply affefting the interefts 
and fafety of the nation. It muft have been under the influence of 
this opinion that the legiflative bodies of fome States have expref- 
fed their approbation of the Embargo, either explicitly or by im- 
plication. 

The following were all the papers laid by the Prefident before 
Congrefs, as the grounds of the Embargo. 

1. The proclamation of the King of Great-Britain, requiring the 
return of his fubjefls, the feamen efpecially, from foreign countries, 
to aid, in this hour of peculiar danger in the defence of their own. 
But it being an acknowledged principle, that every nation has a 
right to the fervice of its fubjefts in time of war, that proclamation 
could not fumifli the flighteft ground fot an Embargo. 

2. The extraft of a letter from the Grand Judge Regnier to 
the French Attorney General for the Council of Prizes. This 
contained a partial interpretation of the imperial blockading decree 
of November 2i, x8o6. This decree, indeed, and its interpreta- 
tion, prefent flagrant violations of our neutral rights, and of the 
Cxifting treaty between the United States and France : but ftill, the 
execution of that decree could not (from the fmall number of 
French cruifers) extenfively interrupt our trade. Thefe two pa- 
pers were public. 

3. The letter from our Minifter, Mr. Armftrong, to Mr. Cham- 
pagny, the French Minifter of Foreign Affairs : and 

4. Mr. Champagny's anfwer. Both thefe ought. In form ©r 
fubftance, alfo to have been made publick. The latter would have 
fuinlflied to our nation fome idea of the views and expeftations of 
France. But both were withdrawn by the Prefident, to be depof- 
ited among other Executive fecrets : while neither prefented any- 
new ground to juftify an Embargo. 

In the Senate, thefe papers were referred to a committee. The 
committee quicklyreportedabill for laying an Embargo, agreea- 
bly to the Prefident's propofal. This was read a firft, a fecond, 
and a third time, and paiTed ; and all in the ftiort compafs of about 
four hours ! A little time was repeatedly afked, to obtain further 
information, and to confider a meafure of fuch moment, of fucii 
UBiverfal coageja ; but Uiefe requefts wei*e denied. We were bur- 



C s ] 

tied Into the p.ifHigc of the bill, as if thet-c was danger of its being 
rcjctfted, if \vc were allowed tim? to obtain further information, 
and deliberately confidcr the fubject. For to that time our veflels 
vere freely failing on foreign voyages ; and in a national point of 
view, the departure of halt a dozen or a dozen more, while we were 
inquiring into the ncceihty or expediency of the embargo, was of 
Jittle moment. Or if the danger to our veffels, feamcn and mer- 
chandize had been fo extreme as not to admit of one day's delays 
ought not thatextreme danger to have been exhibited to Congrefs ? 
The Coniiitution whichrequlres thePrefident " to give to Congrefii 
information of the flate of the nnion»" certainly meint, not partial; 
but complete information on the fubjeift of a communication,fo far 
as he poifeifed it. And when it enjoins him " to recommend tcf 
their confideration fuch mcafures as he fliouldjudge necelfary and 
expedient," it as certainly intended that tliofc recommendations 
fhould be bottomed oninformation communicated, not on fads with':' 
held, and locked up in the executive cabinet. Had the pliblick 
fafety been at ftake, or any great public good been prefented to 
our view, but which would be loll by a moment's delay ; there 
V'ould have been fome apology for difpatch, though none for adling 
*u.'ithout due inform 2iion. In truth, the meafure appeared to rac 
then, as it ftill does, and as it appears tO- tlie public, without 4 
fufhcient motive, without a legitimate objedt. . Hence the general 
inquiry — " For what is the Embargo laid ?" And I challenge 
any man not in the feorets of the Executive to telh 1 know, Sir, 
that the Prefident faid the papers abovfe mentioned " fliowed that; 
great and increafing dangers threatened our veifels, our feamen & 
our merchandize :" but I alfo know that they exhibited no new 
dtni'^cn ; Tione of v hich our merchants and feamen had not been 
Tvell apprized. The Biitiih proclamation had many days before 
been publifhcd In the newfpapers, [the copy laid before us by the 
Prefident had been cut Out Of a newfpaper ;] and fo had the fub- 
ftance, if not the words of Regnier's letter. Yet they had excit-. 
ed little concern among merchants and feamen, the prcfervation of 
whofe pcrfons and property was xhtpr'jfejfcd objeift of the Prefi- 
dent's recommendatio'i ol an Embargo. The merchants & fea- 
men could accurately climate the dangers of continuing tlieircom- 
mercial operations ; of whicli dangers, indeed, the actual premiums 
01 infuHMice were a fatisfa<^ory guage. Thofe premiums had vtry 
little Increafed : l)y the Brititl> proclamation not a cent : and by 
the French decree fo little as not to (lop commercial enterprizes. 
The great numbers of vclick loading or loaded, and prepared for 
fea ; the exertions every where made, on the firll rumour of the 
Embargo, to diCp.itch them, demonilrate the Prefidcm's dangers 
to be imagimiry — to have been a(lum:d. Or it great and real dan- 
gers, unknowato comn/.icial men, were inijp<,"n<Jinij,oj: furs tofaU. 



C93 

howdefirablc was it toliave had them oficially declared and publifh* 
cJ ! This would have produced a voluntary embargo, and pre- 
Ivented every complaint. Befides, the dangers clearly defined & un- 
dei'ltood, the publick mind virould not have been difquietcd with 
imaginary -fears, the more tormenting, bccaufe uncertain. 

It is true that conilderable numbers of veffels were collected in 
our ports, and many held in fufpenfe : not however ,from any new 
dangers which appeared, but from the myfterious condud of our 
affairs, after the attack on the Chefapeake ; and from the painful 
apprehenfion that the courfe the Prefident was purfuing would 
terminate in war. The National Intelligencer (ufually confidered 
as the Executive newfpaper) gave the alarm ; and it was echoed 
through the United States. War, probable or inevitable war,was 
the conftant theme of the newfpapers, and of the converfations, as 
was reported, of perfons fuppofed to be beft informed of Execu- 
tive defigns. Yet amid this din of war, no adequate preparations 
"were feen making to meet it. The order to detach a hundred thou- 
fand militia to fight the Britifli navy (for there was no appearance 
of an enemy in any other fliape) was fo completely abfurd, as to 
excite, with men of common fenfe, no other emotion than ridicule. 
Not the ihadowofa reafon that could operate on the mind of a mam 
ofcommon under (landing can be offered in itsjuftlfication. The re- 
fufal of the Britilh officer to receive the frigate Chefapeake as a 
prizey when tendered by her commander, is a demonftration that the 
attack upon her was exclufively for the purpofe of taking their 
defertcrs ; and not intended as the commencement of a 'war be- 
tween the two nations. The Prefident knew that the Britifh had 
no invading army to land on our ftiores ; and the detached militia 
would be ufelefs, except againft land-forces. Why then was this 
order for the Militia given ? — The nature of the cafe, and the adu- 
al ftate of things, authorize the inference, that its immediate, if not 
its only objeA, was to incrcafe the publick alarm, to aggravate the 
publick refentment againft Great-Britain, to excite a war pulfe ; 
and in the height ofthis artificial fever of thepublick mind, which 
•was to be made known in Great-Britain, to renew the demands on 
her government ; in the poorexpedlation of extorting, in that ftate 
of things, conceffions of points which ihe had always confideredas 
her rights, and which at all times and under all circumftances, (he 
had uniformly refufed to relinquifti. The refult of the fubfequent 
riegociation at London has fhown how utterly unfounded was the 
Prefident's expeftatioa,howperfedly ufelefs all thisblufter of war. 
While no well informed man doubted that the Britifti Government 
■would make fuitable reparation for the attack on the Chefapeake. 
The Prefident himfelf,in his proclamation, had placed the affair on 
that footing. A rupture between the two nations, faid he, " is e- 
qually oppofed to the interefts of botli, as it is to afiurances of the 
xnoil friendly difpofitions on the part of the Britilh Government, 

B 



C ro ] 

tn the midft of which this cutragc was committed. In this light? 
the fubjec't cannot but prefent itfelf to that Government, and 
ftrengthen the motives to an honorable reparation for the wrong 
^'hich has been done." And it is now well known that fuch rep- 
aration might have been promptly obtained in London, had the' 
Piefident's inftruJtions to Mr. Monroe been compatible with fucJt 
an adjiiflmcnt. He was required not to negociate on this fmglc, 
tranfient acft, (which when once adjufted was for ever fettled,) but, 
in conne(ftion with another claim of long (landing, and, to fay the 
Jead, of doubtful right ; to wit, the exemption from imprelfment 
oi Britijh fcamen found on board American j^jTckant reliels. To 
remedy the evil ariiing from its exercife, by which our own citizens 
were fometimes impreffcd, the attention of our Government, under 
every adminirtation, had been earnellly engaged : but no pradlica-- 
ble plan has yet been contrived : while no man who regards the 
truth, will queftion the diipofition of the Britilh Government to a- 
dopt any arrangement that will fecur^ to Great- Britain- the fervices 
oiherownfuhjgfis. And now, when the unexampled fituation- of 
that country {left alone to maintain the conflidl with France and 
her numerous dependent States — left alone to withlland the 
Power which menaces the liberties cf the world) rendered the aid 
of all her fubjeds more than ever needful ; there was no reafonable 
ground to expeft that fhe would yield the right to take them when 
found on board the merchant velfels of any nation. Thus to infift 
on her yielding this point, and infeparably to connect it with the 
affair of the Chefapeake, was tantamount to a determination not la 
negociate at all. 

I write, Sir, with freedom ; for the times are too perilous to a!i 
low thofe who are placed in high and refponfible fituations to h% 
fjlent or refervcd. The peace and fal'ety of our country are fuf- 
pcnded on a thread. The courfe we have feen purfued leads on ti 
\car — to a war with Great Britain — a war abfolutely without ne- 
ceffity — a "war which whether difaftrous or (uccefsful, mud bring 
iniiery- and ruin to the United States : 7nifiry by the deltru<Jlion of 
our navigation and commerce (perhaps alfo of our faircft fca- 
poit towns and cities) the lofs of markets for our produce, the 
want of foreign goods and manufudures, and the other evils inci- 
dent to a flate ot war : and ru'tJi, by the lofs of our liberty and in* 
dependence. For if with the aid oi our arms Great-Britain were 
fubdojcd^T—from that moment, (though flattered perhaps with the 
name of a.'L'esy) wc ihould become the Provinces of France. This is- 
a refult fo obvious, that 1 mull crave your pardon for noticing it; 
{ionie advocates of. Executive meafures admit it. They acknowl- 
edge that the navy uf Britain is our ihicld againft the overwhelms 
ing power of France. — Why then do they perJifl in a courfe of 
conduiH tending to a rupture with Great-Britain ? — Will it ba 
believed tliui It ii principiili;-, or fokly, to procure inviolability to 



r ti ] 

ifhe merchant fag of the United States ? In other words to prote«Sl 
<iU feamen, Britijh ftibJeHf, is M'ell as our own citizens, on board 
our merchant veiFels i It is a faiS that this has been made the 
greateft obllacle to an amicable fcttlement with Great Britain. — 
Yet (I repeat) it is perfeftly well known that flie defires to obtain 
4)nly her oivn fubjc&.s ; and that American citizens, impreHcd by mil- 
take, are delivered up on duly authenticated proof. The evil we 
complain of arifes from the impofribility of always diflinguifiiing 
the perfons of two nations, who a few years fmcc were one people, 
who exhibit the fame manners, fpeak the fame lansjuage, and pof- 
fefs fimilar features. But feeing that we feldom hear complaints 
in the great Jiavi^athig States, how happens there to be fuch ex- 
treme fympathy for American feamen at Wajhir.gton ? Efpecially 
in gentlemen from the intcriour States, which have no feamen, or 
fromthofe Atlantick States whofe native feamen bear a very fmall 
proportion to thofe of New-England ? In fad, tlic caufes of com- 
plaint are much fewer than are pretended. They rarely occur in 
the States whofe feamen are chiefly natives. The firft merchant in 
the United States, in anfwering my late inquiry about Britifh im- 
prefl'ments, fays, " Since the Chefapeake affair we have had no 
caule of complaint. 1 cannot find one fmgle inftance where they 
have taken one man out of a merchant veffel. I have had more 
than twenty ve/fels arrive in that time, without one inftance of a 
man being taken by /he>?i. I'hree Siuedes were taken out by a 
French Frigate. I have made inquiry of all themafters that have 
arrived in this vicinity, and cannot find any complaints againft 
the Briiifh cruifers." 

Can gentlemen of known hojlillty to foreign commerce In our ofwrt 
vejfels — who are even willing to ajmihilate ity (and fuch there are — ) 
canthefe gentlemen plead the caufeof our ftanun becaufe they ic- 
ally wilh to proteft them ? Can diofe defire to protecl our feamen, 
whojby laying an unnccefTary embargo, expofe them by thoufands 
to Jiarve or beg ? — One gentleman has faid (and I believe he do?s 
not Ibmd alone) that fooner than admit the principle that G. B. 
had a right to take ^tr otur. fuhjc£ls from our ttterchant zej/els, he 
would abandon commerce altogether !— To what vi-ill every man 
in New England and the other navigating States, afcribefuch a fen- 
timent ? A fentiment which, to prevent the temporary lofs of five 
men, by imprefs,would reduce fifty thoufand to beggary ? But for 
tlie Embargo, thoufands depending on the ordinary operations of 
commerce, would now be employed. Even under the rellraints oi 
the orders of the Britiih government, retaliating the French im- 
perial decree, very large portions of the world remain open to the 
commerce of the United States. We may yet purfue our trade 
with the Britifli dominions, in every part of the globe ; with Afri- 
ca, with China, and with the colonies of France, Spain, and Hol- 
land. And kt me a(k, whetlier in the miUll of a profound peace, 



C 12 1 

vhen the powers of Europe, pofreflmg colonics, woulJ, as formerljr, 
confine the trade with them to their own bottoms, or admit us, as 
foreignerSjOnly under great llmitationsjwe could enjoy a commerce 
much more extenlive than is pradicable at this moment, if the em- 
bargo were not in the way ? Why then fhould it be continued ? 
Why rather was it ever laid ? Can thofe be legitimate reafons for 
the Embargo which are concealed from Congrefs, at the moment 
when they are required to impofe it ? Are the rcaions to be found 
in the difpatches from Paris ? Thefe have heen moved for ; and 
the motion was quallied by the advocates for the Embargo. Why 
are thefe difpatches withlield by the Executive ? Why, when all 
clafTes of citizens anxioufly inquire, " For what is the EmbarQ;o 
laid ?" is a fatisfadory anfwcr denied ? Why is not Congrcfs made 
acquainted with the adual fituation of the U. States in relation to 
Trance ? Wliy, in this dangerous crifis, are Mr. Armflrong's let- 
ters to the Secretary of State abfolutely withheld, fo that a line of 
them cannot be feen ? Did they contain no information of the de- 
mands and intentions of the French Emperor ? Did the Revenge 
fail from England to France, & there wait three or four weeks for 
difpatches of no importance .' Iffo, why regardlefs of the pubhck 
folicitude, are their contents fo carefully concealed ? If really un- 
important, what harm can arife from telling Congrefs and the na- 
tion, officially, that they contain nothing of moment to the fafety> 
the liberty, the honor, or the interefts of the United States ? On 
the contrary, are they fo clofely locked up, becaufe they will not 
bear the light ? Would their difclofure roufe the fpirit of the peo- 
ple, ftill numbering in blind confidence in the Executive ? Has the 
French Emperor declared that he will have no neutrals ? Has he 
required that our ports, like thofe of his vafTal ftates in Europe, be 
JJntt aga'mjl Brifijh conwierce ? Is the Embargo -a fuhjlitute, a viilder 
form of compliance with that harlh demand, which if exhibited in 
its naked and infulttng afpe*51, the American fpirit might yet re- 
fent ? Are we flill to be kept profoundly ignorant of tlie declara- 
tions and avowed defigns of the French Emperor, although thefe 
may ftrike at our liberty and independence ? And, in the mean 
time, are we, by a thoufand irritations, by cherifiung prejudices, and 
by exciting frefh refentments, to be drawn gradually into a war 
with Great-Biitain ? Why, amidft the extreme anxiety of the pub- 
lick mind, is it ftill kept on the rack of fearful expetftation, by the 
Prefident's portentous filcnce refpefting his French difpatches ? — 
In this concealment there is danger. In this concealment muft be 
wrapt up the real caufc of the Embargo. On any other I'uppofi- 
tion it is inexplicable. 

I am alarmed. Sir, at this perilous (late of things, I cannot re- 
prefs my fufpicions, or forbear thus to exhibit to you tlie grounds 
on which they reft. The people arc advifed to rcpofc implicit 
confidence in the National Government : In that uub.uunded confi« 



r 13 3 

dence lies our danger. Armed with that confidence, the Execu- 
tive may procure the adoption of mcafurcs which may overwhelm 
us with ruin, as furely as if he had an army at his heels. By falfc 
policy, or by inordinate fears, our country may be betrayed and 
fubjugated to France, as furely as by corruption. I truft, Sir, that 
no one who knows me will charge it to vanity when I fay, that I 
havefome knowledge ofpublick men and of publick affairs : and 
on that knowledge, and with folemnity, I declare to you, that I 
have no confidence in the wifdom or correiflnefs of our publick meaf- 
ures : that our country is in imminent danger : that it is effcntial 
to the public fafety, that the blind confidence in our Rulers Ihould 
ceafe ; that the State Legiflatures fhould know the fads and rea- 
fons on which important general laws are founded ; and efpecially 
that thofe Stata ivhofs farms are on the ocean, and ivhofc harvejis are 
gathered in e%)ery fea, JJoould i7iimediate[y atid ferloujly conjidcr hoiu ia 
preferve them. In all the branches of Government, commercial in- 
formation is wanting ; and in " this defert," called a city, that 
want cannot be fupplied. Nothing but the fenfe of the commer- 
cial States, clearly and emphatically expreffed, will fave them from 
ruin. 

Are our thoufands of fhips and vefTels to rot in our harbours I 
Are our fixty thoufand feamen and fifliermen to be deprived of em- 
ployment, and, with their families, reduced to want and beggary ? 
Are our hundreds of thoufands of farmers to be compelled to fuf- 
fei their millions in furplus produce to perifli on their hands ; 
that the Prefident may make an experiment on our patience and 
fortitude, and on the towering pride, the boundlefs ambition, and 
imyielding perfeverance of the Conqueror of Europe ? Sir, I have 
reafon to believe that the Prefident contemplates the continuance 
of the Embargo until the French Emperor repeals his decrees, vi- 
olating as well his treaty with the United States as every neutral 
right ; and until Britain thereupon recals her retaliating orders ! 
By that time we may have neither fhips nor feamen : and that is 
precifely the point to which fomc men wUli to reduce us. To fee 
the w/pro-vide/ice of this project (to call it by no harfher name, & 
without adverting to ulterior views) let us look back to former 
years. 

Not with (landing the well founded complaints of fome individ- 
uals, and the murmers of others ; notwithftanding the frequent 
Executive declarations of maritime aggreffions committed by 
Great Britain ; notwithftanding the outrageous decrees of France 
and Spain, and the wanton fpoliations praftifed and executed by 
their cruifers and tribunals, of which we fometimes hear a faint 
whifper ; the commerce of the United States has hitherto ptofper- 
ed beyond all example. Our citizens have accumulated wealth; 
and the publick revenue, annually increafing, has been the Prefir 
dent's annual beaft. 



r 14] 

Thefe fa(?ls demonftratc, that although Great Britain, with her 
tlioufand Ihips of war, could have deftroyed our commerce, Tlie 
Idas really dbne it no effential injury ; & that the other belligerents, 
heretofore rellrained by fome regard to National Laiv, and limit- 
ed by the fmall number of their cruifers, have not infliifled upon it 
any deep woimd. Yet in this full tide of fuccefs, our commerce is 
fuddenly arrefted : an alarm of war is raifed : fearful apprehenfions 
are excited : the merchants, in particular, tlirown into a ftate of 
confternation, are advifed, by a voluntary embargo, to keep their 
vefTels at home. And what is the caufe of this mighty but mif- 
chicvoub alarm ? We know it in its whole extent. It nvar the unau- 
ihorizcd attack sf a Britijl? naval officer on the Avierican frigate 
Chefapeake, to ft arch for and take fomc defertcrs knonvn to have been 
received on boardy *who had been often demanded, and as often refufed to 
he delivered up. As was expe<5ted by all confiderate men, and by 
the Prefident hlmfelf (as Ihavebef')re obferved) the Britifh Gov- 
ernment, onthe firrtinformation of the unfortunate event (and with- 
out waiting fcr an application) difavowed the a<5t of its officer — di{^ 
claimed the principle of fearching National armed veffels — and 
declared its readinefs to make fuitable reparation, as foon as the 
ftate of the calje fhould be fully known. 

Under fuch circumftances, who can jufllfy this alarmof war ? An 
alarm which greatly difquieted the publick mind, and occafsoned 
an interruption of commerce extremely injurious to our merchants 
and fea-faring citizens. 

1 will clofe this long letter by ftating all the exiding pretences— 
for there are no caufcs — for a war with Great- Britain. 

!. The Britiih fhips of war, agreeably to a right claimed and ex- 
ercifed for ages, a right claimed and exercifed during the whole of 
the adminiftrations of Walhington, of Adams, and of .Tefferlbn,— 
continue to take fome of the Britiih feamen found on board our 
merchant voffels, and with them a fmall number of ours, from the 
impoHibility of always diftinguilhing Enghlhmen from citi/ens of 
the United States. On this point our Government well know 
that Great- Britain is perfectly willing to adopt any arrangement 
that can be devifed, which will fecure to herfervice the feamen 'who 
are her otvnfubje^ls; and atthefame time exempt ours from imprefF- 
jnent 

2. The merchant vefTcls of France, Spain and Holland, being 
driven from the ocean, ordeftroyed, die commerce of thofc countries 
with one another, and with their colonies, could no longerbe carri- 
ed on by themfelves. Here the vcffels of neutral nations came in 
to their aid, and carried on nearly the whole commerce of ihofe na- 
tions. With their feamen thus liberated from the merchant llr- 
vice, thofc nations, in the prefent and preceding wars, were enabled 
to man tiieir fliips of war ; and the neutral vcHcls and kamcn fup- 
pl>in^ tJicir pliiccs, became in fuel ^ though not in nan::, an\Uiari:i 



in wai". The commerce of thofe nations, without one arTQed (Inff 
on the fea appropriatc<l for its protedion, was intended thus to lie 
fccured under neutral flags ; while the merchant velfels of Great- 
Britain, with its numerous armed Ihips to guard them, ■were expof. 
ed to occafional captures. — Such a courfe of things Grcat-Briiaia 
has refiited, not in the prefertt only, but in former wars ; at leaft 
as far back as that of 1756. And (he has claimed and main- 
tained a right te impofe ort this commerce fome limits and re- 
ftraints ; becaufe it was a commerce which was denied by thofc na- 
tions to neutrals in times of peace ; becaufe it was a commerce of 
immenfe value" to the fubjedts of her enemies ; and becaufe it filled 
their treafuries with money to enable them to carry on their wars 
with Gfeat-Britain. 

3. The third and only remaining pretence for war with Great- 
Britain, is the unfortunate affair'of the Chefapeake ; which having 
been already ftated and explained, I will only remark here, that it is 
not to be believed that the BritKh Government, after being de- 
feated, as before mentioned, ih its endeavours to ma'ke reparation \w 
London, for the wrong done by its ferVant, would have fent hith- 
er a fpecial envoy to give honourable fatisfaflion, but from its fin- 
cere defire to clofe tliis wound, if our cwn Government 'would fujfer it 
to he healed. 

Permit me now toaflc, what rtlatt, impartially viewing the fub- 
"{6(51, will have the boldnefs to fay that there exifts any caufe for 
plunging the United States into a war with Great-Britain ? Who 
that refpefts his reputation, as a man of common difcemment, will 
fay it ? Who that regards the interefts and welfare of his country 
will fay it ? Who then can juftify, who can find an excufe for a 
courfe of conduft, which has brought our country into its prefent 
ftate of alarm, embarraflment and dillrefs ? For myfelfj Sir, I muft 
declare the opinion, that no free country was ever before fo caufe- 
lefsly, and fo bHndly, thrown from the height of profperity, and 
plunged into a ftate of dreadftil anxiety and fuffering. But froitt 
this degraded and wretched fituationitis not yet too late to efcape-- 
Let the difpatches from our Minifter in France be no longer con- 
cealed. Let the Prefident perform the duty required of him by 
the Conllitution; by giving to Qox\^vds full information of the flats 
of the unian in refped to foreign nations. Above all, let him urflct 
our afhialfttuation •utith France. Let him tell us what are the de- 
mands and propofals of her Ruler. Had thefe been honourable to 
the United States, would not the Prefident have been eager to d:f» 
clofe them' ? that they are of an entirely different nature, that they 
are di^?onourabU', that they are ruifious to our commercial ititerejli^ and 
dangcrouf to our liberty and inde^ndence, we are left to infer. 

1 hope, Sir, that the nature and magnitude of the fubjed will 
furnifh a fufficient apology for the length and ftyle of this letter. 
.Peihaps fome may deem it prefumpiuous thus to queftion tiie cor- 



rciTlncrs of the proceedings of our Government. A Arong fenfe o£_. 
<luty, and diftreiringapprehenfions of National ruin, have forced the 
talk upon me. To fome the fentiments which, in the fmcerity of 
my heart, I have exprelfed, may give offence : for often nothing 
offends fo much as truth. Yet I do not defire tooffend anyman. 
But when I fee the dangerous extent of Executive influence : when 
I fee the Great Council of the Nation called on to enadt laws dcep- 
iy affeding the interefts of all claffes of citizens, without adequate 
information of the reafons of that call: when I obferve the decep. 
tive gloifes with which the mifchiefs of the Embargo are attempt- 
ed to be palliated ; ^■nd pojlerior eve fit; adduced as reafons to juftify 
the meafure : when I know that the rifks of continuing their com- 
mercial purfuits againft all krwwn datigers can and will be more ac- 
curately calculated by our merchants than by our government : 
whtn '\i ■a.wj new dangers 10 corrwucrct vfcie impending, of which 
our Merchants were uninformed, but of which the Government ob- 
tained the knowledge through its minifter at Paris, or clfewhere, 
it was plainly the duty of the Executive to make thofe dangers 
known to Congrefs and the Nation : and fmce if fo made known, 
the merchants and fea-faring citizens would, for their own interefts 
and fafety, have taken due precautions to guard againft them : and 
as it hence appears certain that an Embargo was not neceffiiry to 
the fafetv of " our feamcn, our veffels, or our merchandize ;'— 
when, sir, I fee and confider thefe things, and their evil tendency : 
in a word, when I obferve a courl'e of proceeding which to me ap- 
pears calculated to miflead the publick mind to publick ruin ; \ 
cannot be filcnt. Regardlefs, therefore, of perfonal confequences, 1 
have undertaken to communicate thefe details ; witJi the view to 
diiTipate dangeious illufions : to give to my Conftituents corred in- 
formation ; to excite inquiry ; and to roufe that vigilant jealoufy 
•which is chara(5teriftick of REPUBLICANS, and effeniial to the 
prefeivation of their rights, their liberties, and their independence. 

I have the honor to be, 

very rcfpedlfully, Sir, 

Your obedient Servant, 

TIMOTHY PICKERING. 

Hii B^celkncy JAMES SULLIVAN, 

Co'vcrnsr of the Cfffinmnvfa/ih of Majfaehufctts, 



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